Informed Dissent Eliminated by UK SS Mentored Reactionary Forces in Ireland
Mark Twain coined the statement: ‘There are three kinds of lies: lies, damned lies, and statistics,’ he was however unfamiliar with with modern UK SS propaganda and control of politcians in places like Ireland. The shrinking space available to investigative journalism, along with an increased propensity to distort as per UK SS mentors, dictats and blackmail, has been compounded by a residual culture of secrecy within Irish government. The current processes render public bodies and public functions of Irish government impenetrable. Even Irish public officials with oversight responsibility find it difficult to obtain information.
The culture of Irish secrecy, taking refuge behind the legacy of British infrastructure, UK SS control and influence or pretexts of ‘commercial sensitivity in bodies like NAMA, are not subject to Freedom of Information. Thus accountability in an open manner, essential to meaningful scrutiny rather than notional is not happening. Ireland's culture of secrecy, coupled with active attempts to eliminate dissent, are doing immeasurable harm to democracy, fostering cynicism, disillusion and ultimately violence. The Irish government is currently using its economic muscle to eliminate dissent. In some cases, the elimination of dissent may occur directly by issuing instructions to state agencies, to cease funding activities such as ‘advocacy’, by reducing budgets of agencies addressing inequalities. Dissent is indirectly eliminated in community groups, dependent on state funding, censoring themselves to avoid putting their funding at risk.
The impact of economic equality starts in early childhood, with the health and education investment choices of a now compromised, corrupted, Irish state in our name. Choices directly affecting our future economic well-being have been corrupted. The opportunity for citizens to engage in collective reflection and dissent on this, together with a collective capacity for self-renewal, are crucial to a fully formed democracy of equality. For such critical and collective reflection to occur, we need access to evidence and propositions, supporting an alternative vision of Irish society. Such arguments require common currency in public discourse, before the public endorsement of argument creates familiarity and informed choices.