Irish Blog Whacked

Saturday, January 22, 2011


Original Song:
"Winter Wonderland"

Original  Parody Title:

"Wanker Wonderland"

Prices soared, homes were booming
But off-shored-- jobs left, dooming
A buy at the height,
--We're busted tonight--
Living in a wanker wonderland

Gone away are the paychecks
Here to stay are the trainwrecks
We hear the sweet tunes
From gas-bag buffoons
Living in a wanker wonderland

In our pup tent we can suck down home brews
And remember money broker Cowen--
And his no-down loan that brought the bad news
That sent us to the street in our home town

Later on we inquire
How our dream so backfired
We followed the rules
We're feelin' like fools
Living in a wanker wonderland

[ Instr break: sticks tapping smoldering trash barrell ]

On the tv boneheads yap "It's better!"
And pretend that jobs are everywhere
They have lots of fun with that dead letter--
While seniors' Wal-Mart greetings fill the air!

Upbeat news, laughs and quipping
--While your ass gets a whipping--
They'll frolic and play 'till we go away

Living in a wanker wonderland, (oooh..)
Living in a wanker wonderland, (yeah..)
Living in a wanker wonderland! (splat.)

The bulk of the banksters money went to Fianna Fail for several election but the bulk of the corporate muck money, now flows from party to party, which includes Fine Gael and Labour. Either way the same targets are achieved, bigger profits for corporations. The sums of money thrown at these Irish politicians, particularly Fine Gael for the next election are mind boggling even by gombeen Fianna Fail standards.

The only real difference between Fine Gael and Labour is money. Each of these corrupt parties, is a political influence machine, that now vies for dominant power in a coalition, because the one with the most power, carries with it vast sums of corporate money. The longer a party is in office, as in the case of Fianna Fail for example,  the more connections it makes, the more it's net worth to the corporations in the long run, the more the rewards can be spread to the different cumann of the party. There is currently a real, nasty fight between Fine Gael and Labour for this corporate muck money.

Of course Labour have their "interest group" the unions but these are now mostly so corrupt, that the only money Labour will see from the trade unions, is the dirty money siphoned and laundered from offshore bankster's accounts, using the corrupt Union leadership as a front for money laundering and peddling influence, particularly in the area of oiling the clean out of State pensions, after the next election.

The millions spent through the Unions to help get Labour elected, is matched only by the millions spent trying to get their ear as soon as they are in office. Irish unions however, cannot out-spend the off-shore banksters, neither can they offer the millionaire retirement packages, given to Fianna Fail. The corporate retirement packages offered to corrupt Irish politicians, prove where the next Irish Government minds will be focussed while in office and whose interests will be looked after, which is certainly not the ordinary people of Ireland under present arrangements.

Unions and the Irish Labour party have almost nothing  to show for their decades-long crooked relationship. Union membership continues to shrink as do jobs, wages and benefits for Irish workers a crooked set up, if ever there was one.  Nevertheless the “lesser of two evils” approach to Irish politics, currently being adopted by many prospective Irish voters, are Labour and Sinn Fein. The evil politicians of Fianna Fail and Fine Gael, being a no win choice not just for working class voters but also the shrinking middle-class with back breaking crooked mortgages. So both Labour and Sinn Fein can expect particularly vitriolic attacks during the next campaign, as establishment corporate parties fear the erosion of their respective party bases.

Ideally of course to get out of this vicious, dead-end cycle, real trade unionists could unite their strength with parties like Sinn Fein to form coalitions, that promote respective candidates, that are 100 percent funded by working people, to govern 100 percent in the interest of working people and the people of no property. All other roads lead back to dirty corporate money running another corrupt Irish Government.

The other alternative in the Irish scum state after the next election, is being ruled by a 21st century version of corporate fascism in the guise of a sanitized blue shirt alliance with corrupted corporate labour. In the 1930s Germany was ruled by a 20th century version of corporate fascism. Same result, different victims. Irish politicians will then give public money once again to the corporations and the state pension to the offshore banksters. Banks and corporations will give a portion of this back to crooked Irish politicians. A large share of it will go to Fine Gael party coffers if elected, to protect their politicians. Ireland ias apparently ruled by gangsters and crooks at every strata of Irish society. There is endemic, out of control fraud and theft at all levels of both local and national Irish government.

I'm voting for the Horse Outside !

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James Joyce Misunderstood & Misrepresented on Irish Republicanism

The first United Irishman was a weekly Irish newspaper created originally by John Mitchel in 1848 in Newry Co. Down. It later evolved into the United Irishman recreated by Arthur Griffith and William Rooney and continued until 1906, when it was re-created as Sinn Féin until 1914, when it was censored and suppressed by the British government. It resurrected again as the United Irishman/An tÉireannach Aontaithe in May 1948 as the official monthly organ of Sinn Féin, sold by its members door to door. It evolved after splits as the paper of Official Sinn Féin, published from 30 Gardner Place in Dublin, where it ceased publication in 1980. As a result of Arthur Griffith's friend William Rooney's poetry receiving a poor review by James Joyce and a subsequent defence by Arthur Griffiith in the United Irishman, many misunderstandings of Joyce's position on Irish republicanism, developed. A rather interesting article in today's Irish Times sheds further light on this.

Why Joyce, the 'bohemian aesthete', was also a political controversialist

ALMOST A DECADE AGO the National Library of Ireland acquired, as part of the Joyce Papers 2002, James Joyce’s Paris-Pola commonplace book. This had disappeared since it was cited by Herbert Gorman in his James Joyce: A Definitive Biography (1941).

It had also been erroneously supposed to comprise two distinct notebooks. Visitors to the magnificent exhibition James Joyce and Ulysses at the National Library of Ireland, which ran from June 2004 to May 2006, could view a touch-screen image of the notebook (which is currently again on electronic display). The most mysterious and evocative entries are two lists of books on Irish subjects written out in Joyce’s hand.

Some time later, for a study of Joyce’s relationship to nationalism, I came upon two lists of books in Arthur Griffith’s United Irishman for suggested use in Irish rural libraries: the issue of March 7th, 1903, contained a list of books in English; there followed a list of Irish-language texts in that of April 4th, 1903. On the off chance that these might bear some relation to Joyce’s lists, I photocopied them and folded them away. I made my way some months ago to the manuscript room of the National Library to compare the photocopies with the digital scans of the lists in the Paris-Pola notebook. Joyce had transcribed virtually all of the first United Irishman list and selected some of the titles from the second.

James Joyce had graduated from University College Dublin in September 1902 and was in Paris from December 3rd to 22nd that year, on the risible pretext of studying medicine at the Sorbonne. After an extended Christmas in Dublin, Joyce was back in Paris from January 17th to April 10th, 1903, impecunious and undernourished, at the Hôtel Corneille, a now-vanished Irish lieu de mémoire in Paris, on Rue Corneille, flanking the Théâtre de l’Odéon. His sudden return to Dublin was brought about by the last illness of his mother. May Joyce lingered, dying on August 13th, 1903. Joyce thereafter remained in Dublin until he left on October 8th, 1904, with Nora Barnacle to commence what transpired to be a lifelong exile from Ireland.

The intrinsic significance of Joyce’s transcription of the two United Irishman lists will be a subject of debate. Its extrinsic significance is the proof it affords that Joyce was reading the United Irishman at the time he was in Paris and that he was not drawn to the paper solely by reason of its political content. It bears out the recollection of Joyce’s brother Stanislaus that Joyce had declared that “the United Irishman was the only paper in Dublin worth reading, and in fact he read it every week”.
The United Irishman , published 1899-1906, was a brilliant journalistic venture with a tiny circulation. In politics it anticipated the programme of Sinn Féin, and was implacably opposed to John Redmond’s Irish Parliamentary Party. What was distinctive in the conception of the United Irishman was that its content was not exclusively political. It engaged with the literary revival (though Griffith fell out with WB Yeats early on), and the paper was crammed with literary, mythological, antiquarian and historical material relating to Ireland.

The paper was a collaborative venture between Griffith, who edited it, and his contemporary William Rooney. Rooney was persuaded that political nationalism without the revival of the Irish language was meaningless, if not pernicious, and wrote prolifically on the subject in the United Irishman . Griffith loved and deferred to Rooney, without sharing his insistence on the revival of Irish. Going back to his support of Parnell in the split of 1890-1, Griffith had a serious political head. The United Irishman was a skilful composite of the divergent thinking of Griffith and Rooney. It is unlikely that Joyce, who was drawn to Griffith’s political nationalism but highly suspicious of the ideology of the language revival, failed to discern the latent fault line in the paper.

Rooney died on May 6th, 1901, at the age of 28. Griffith, so distraught he was hospitalised himself, presided at a meeting convened in the waiting room of Glasnevin Cemetery after Rooney’s interment at which it was resolved to raise a memorial over his grave and to publish his writings. The publication the following year of Rooney’s Poems and Ballads could scarcely have stood in a more proximate relationship to the funerary.

The first book review that Joyce published was of Rooney’s poems. Dispatched from Paris at the start of Joyce’s first sojourn, it was published in the Daily Express, a Dublin unionist paper, on December 11th, 1902. “An Irish Poet” was exquisitely scathing. Although the review is generally considered a self-consciously aesthetic exercise, there are overt traces of the political: the opening statement is that these verses by a writer “lately dead” are “issued from headquarters”. Joyce’s brilliant situating of Rooney’s lame and derivative verse within the canon of 19th-century Irish verse enacts an argument that is political as well as artistic.

It is a single phrase that affords a fleeting glimpse of Joyce as a nationalist intellectual as well as an artist: “Even Mr. T. D. Sullivan and Mr. Rolleston have done something in the making of this book.” Sullivan was a kinsman of TM Healy, a writer of nationalistic verse, and an anti-Parnellite parliamentarian. The reference to Sullivan was likely to have irked Griffith, but that to Rolleston was of a quite different order. Thomas William Hazen Rolleston (1857-1920) was an intellectual and minor poet. He had published a pro-empire pamphlet in 1901, and came thereby to be reviled by Griffith as an apostate. Griffith’s denunciations of Rolleston in the contemporary United Irishman were unceasing. The equation of Rooney with Rolleston was a stunning affront to Griffith. Contextualising the hugely provocative reference to Rolleston reinstates a lost Joyce, between University College and exile, casually expert in, and engaged with, contemporary Irish political and cultural controversy, and shifts the conventional biographical paradigm of the Joyce of 1902-4 as a somewhat dissolute bohemian aesthete.

Griffith’s initial response to a seemingly vicious review of the verse of his friend Rooney, “lately dead”, published in a unionist paper, can only have been apoplectic. What must have struck Griffith as odd was the connoisseurship of contemporary nationalism and cultural politics it evinced. The review was anonymous. Griffith’s inquiries would have quickly established that its author was James Joyce; that he was a brilliant disaffected graduate of University College, of Catholic nationalist stock, the son of a colourful Dublin character; that he was anti-clerical but ostensibly politically disengaged, and certainly not a unionist. Griffith in fact probably knew Joyce by sight, but not by name, from the National Library, which they both frequented.

This was a markedly different face to that which Joyce had presented at University College, but one that was still masked. The only person whom Joyce intended to see completely through the mask was Griffith, the principal addressee of the review. It stands as a calling card by which he was bringing himself to Griffith’s attention. In this respect it is the last in a suite of introductions to Dublin literary figures on which Joyce had remarked as his time at University College drew to its close, commencing with George Russell in August and proceeding to its celebrated culmination with Yeats in early October. Joyce knew the review was wounding but saw no reason why Griffith should not on reflection have been impressed; if not, tant pis. All of the Joyce of 1902-4 is present in this: fierce independence, intellectual grace and lucidity, pride and playfulness, and a heart-breaking fortitude that seemed to many of his contemporaries indistinguishable from fecklessness.

GRIFFITH’S published response to Joyce’s review was adroitly measured. The United Irishman of December 20th, 1902, which Joyce would have seen on his return to Dublin for Christmas, carried an advertisement for Rooney’s book that collated all of Joyce’s strictures on Rooney that Griffith deemed anti-national. There was a single editorial interpolation in parentheses in the last sentence of Joyce’s review that was cited: “And yet he might have written well if he had not suffered from one of those big words [patriotism] which make us so unhappy.”

Griffith was mortally offended. Although he was to assist Joyce in the struggle with George Roberts over the publication of Dubliners , he never forgave him the attack on Rooney. As Padraic Colum wrote, “the young man who had belittled his poems in a Unionist journal was, to Arthur Griffith, a man of sinister mind and intention.”

Joyce’s rendering down of the second United Irishman list makes clear that, although he had no interest in revivalism or contemporary writing in Irish, he had a considerable interest in the older works in the Irish language, principally the Irish myths, lives of saints and poetry, together with Geoffrey Keating’s History of Ireland, the Annals of the Four Masters and The Ancient Laws of Ireland. The lists written out laboriously in the notebook in Paris reflect a scoping exercise on Joyce’s part, a sizing-up and textual mapping of the subject of Ireland.

Griffith’s United Irishman was extremely important for Joyce, and left its mark on Ulysses and Finnegans Wake . His reading of the paper in Paris set the practice for the first decade of exile from October 1904, when the paper and its successor from 1906, Sinn Féin, sent from Dublin, became his main continuous journalistic source of intelligence on contemporary Ireland.

The engagement with Irish controversy 1902-4 that the Rooney review evidences is significant not just for our construction of Joyce but for his own later conceptualisation of his relationship to the Ireland he had left. His memories of Dublin were not topographically abstract but reflected a life fully lived, characterised by a preternatural sentience that extended to contemporary political and cultural controversy.

In the transcriptions from the United Irishman Joyce stands on a cusp. He was patiently setting co-ordinates for the modernistic revolution in the treatment of the subject of Ireland in literature that he distantly contemplated. As of early 1903 he had no clear idea of what he was going to write. The first story of the collection that was to make up Dubliners , “The Sisters”, was not to be written until July 1904. Ulysses and Finnegans Wake lay far in the future.

Frank Callanan the author is a barrister and the author of The Parnell Split and T. M. Healy. “James Joyce and the United Irishman: Paris 1902-3”, the essay on which this article is based, is published in the Dublin James Joyce Journal 3 , edited by Luca Crispi and Anne Fogarty (UCD James Joyce Research Centre in association with the National Library of Ireland, €10), which will be launched in Dublin next week

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Newsflash ; INDYMEDIA IRELAND Top Secret Writers & Offices Located

Red Sean O"Stalin Indymedia Ireland

According to a report which is believed to have been planted in the Irish media by the Irish underground the offices of Indymedia Ireland have after years of undercover work by a freelance Irish reporter been been at long last located.The breakthrough came after he recognized one of the faceless writers of the news outlet, from a plagiarized article using the same phrases and manner of writing with an east Derry accent. The faceless group of Irish writers had been disguising themselves as hippy squatters over at the Ministry of Silly walks outside Belfast. They were also using some circus trcks as a  front for their nefarious activities. See included footage for details;

The investigation has revealed that Irish news channel Indymedia Ireland Is nothing but a front for  North Korea an evil spying network of murderers, documents recovered have revealed.The devastating evidence proves what Western intelligence services have been saying for years: that Indymedia Ireland is nothing but lies and propaganda, that even logging in to them is tantamount to treachery, and the only way to find out the truth is to watch government briefings on RTE and its sister channel the BBC.

The documents seized, cover the period from former President, Kim Il-sung 11, to the day David Trimble was elected First Minister indicating a possible contact between someone who may have been in KGB intelligence and someone whose name is very similar to a man that worked as a cleaner at the Indymedia offices."This damning level of infiltration into Indymedia Ireland is simply unbelievable," said one Western intelligence officer. "It is simply inconceivable. My brain is beginning to hurt as we speak. But I'm not in the least surprised. We now know that Kim Il-sung 11 spent all the money he earned from selling weapons of mass destruction to terrorists on producing propaganda and speading lies about the British and their other island."

The cleaner, a member of the Kim family, would have had access to the inner workings of the newsfront in the evenings when everyone had gone home, it was revealed. It is not difficult to see how, using coded messages secreted inside Indymedia Ireland's broomhandles and bin-liners, he could have edited cyberspace to make it look like the Irish in Ireland weren't happy about the border fox liberating them. Pictures of dead innocent Irish were thought to have been mocked up during tea breaks in staff canteen.

KIm is also believed to have hacked into Indymedia Ireland's computer system with the full knowledge of the management and rewritten the next day's news announcements to include lies and propaganda and dirty nasty filth about the US and UK governments. Despite listening to their own rewritten reports, Indymedia journalists didn't twig because their brains were so addled from poteen, prostitutes and Irish propaganda fed into their brains from the age of two, one expert revealed. A search of KIm's cupboard  by US special forces at the weekend also revealed several pigs, proof that he was also manufacturing biological swine-flu weapons.

Incredibly, the documents also prove that Kim Il-sung  was at one stage in total control of the news outlet, so he must  have been best friends with Sean and so the war on North Korea was right all along, said professor of logical deduction at Washingston State University, Ronnie Dumbsfield.The news that agents from intelligence services have attempted to infiltrate Indymedia news organisations has shocked media pundits worldwide. "I can't believe it," said the former head of the CIA George Tenant. "We had one over-riding rule here, never interfere with the democratic rights of the media and freedom of speech. It just shows how low KIm was willing to go."

The same goes for the UK and their other island. "I am outraged. If there's one thing we won't stand it is MI5 or MI6 agents working as writers, poets and journalists. The media must be allowed to present information in whatever way it likes without any interference from us. Now I must go, I've got 20 minutes to censor 30 articles that are beyond the pale and are using too much Irish cyberspace "


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